Recessions are viewed through the back window.

The odds on a US recession in the next twelve months have receded in the light of the continued willingness of US households to spend more- despite much higher interest rates and reductions in the supply of money and bank credit.  Spending on goods and food services rose by 0.7% in September on top of a robust increase of 0.8% in August. The annual increase in retail sales is 3.7% and the increase over the past three months is running at an annual equivalent of 8% p.a. Prices at retail level are falling. They stimulate demand but they also devalue the inventories held to satisfy demand. Prices have their supply and demand causes. They also have their effects on demand- and supply. Lower prices stimulate demand and incomes are now growing faster than prices.

All that is holding up the US CPI – now 3.7% up on a year ago – are house prices – and what are imputed as owners’ equivalent rent. That is at what the owners could earn if they rented their homes  They are up 7% on a year before. They have a huge weight in the CPI – over 25% – and if excluded from the CPI – would have headline inflation running in the US below the 2% target. Cash rentals account for a further 7% of the US CPI. By contrast food eaten at home carries a weight of only 8.6% in the CPI and food eaten out is 4.8% of the US CPI Index. SA also includes owners’ equivalent rent in its CPI with a weight of 12.99% and actual rentals account for only 3.5% of the index. Both rental series in SA are up by a below average 2.6% on a year before. The headline inflation rate in SA was 5.4% in September.

Owners equivalent rent is a very different animal to other prices. Higher implicit rentals based on the improved value of an owner’s home are not the usual drag on spending. The extra wealth in homes, as would all increases in household wealth, more valuable  pension plans, more valuable share portfolios, etc. will encourage more, not less spending. The boom in US house prices post Covid has had much to do with the ability and willingness of US households to spend more and help push up prices generally. Average house prices in the US are now falling under pressure form much higher mortgage rates and house price inflation to date will be falling away rapidly as will owner’s equivalent rentals. Thus helping to reduce headline inflation.

The question investors are asking about both inflation (falling) and the state of the economy ( holding up) is what will it all mean for interest rates. The stronger the economy the lesser the pressure on the Fed to lower short rates. And the greater will be the pressure on long term rates in the US. The key ten-year Treasury Bond is now offering 4.9% p.a. reaching a 16 year high.  In the share market what is expected to be gained on the swings of earnings may be lost on the roundabouts of higher interest rates, used to discount future earnings. But if inflation is subdued, any visible weakness in the economy, can be followed immediately by lower interest rates. This thought will be consoling to investors.

The attention paid to GDP by investors is fully justified. Where GDP goes so will the earnings reported by companies. Their correlation since 1970 is (R=0.97) Though helpfully to shareholders in recent years earnings have been running well ahead of earnings indicating widening profit margins from the IT giants. GDP , on a quarter-to-quarter basis, is a highly volatile series. Though growth in earnings is much more volatile.

US GDP and S&P 500 Earnings. Current values. (1970=100)

Source; Bloomberg, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis  and Investec Wealth and Investment.

The underlying trend in GDP and earnings will never be obvious. To make sense of their momentum, to recognize some persistent cycle, the data has to be smoothed and compared to a year before. Thus we will know only in a year or more whether the US economy has escaped a recession. It is not recessions that move markets, only expected recessions do so. And the jury will always remain out.

GDP and S&P 500 Earnings Growth Quarter to Quarter % Annualised.

Source; Bloomberg, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis and Investec Wealth and Investment.

The Lady for burning is not to blame for higher interest rates. The Fed may well be.

Politicians propose spending and revenue plans – but the bond market disposes and not always kindly. In the UK plans to combine tax reforms that only work gradually with an immediate massive increase in subsidizing the consumption of energy with borrowed money was apparently a step too far for lenders to HMG and the governing party.  

Yet long term interest rates in the US and Europe were also rising rapidly. In Germany Ten-year money yielding negative rates in January had increased to 2% p.a. by October. US   US Treasury Bonds that offered 1% p.a. in early January 2022 now yield over 4% p.a. and indeed offer more interest in US dollars than the much battered 10 year gilts.

Long Term (10 Year) Interest Rates in the US, UK and Germany. Daily Data to October 25th

Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

Blaming all this wealth destruction on a potentially profligate UK government is further complicated by the fact that not only were nominal interest rates on the rise – more so were real rates. Real ten-year yields in the US now deliver a yield of close to 2% p.a. – they offered a negative 1% in January 2022. They now exceed the returns on a UK ten year inflation linker that has increased from a negative -3% in early 2022 to the current much higher 0% p.a. Equivalent Inflation protected German Bunds also now offer about 0% p.a. – compared to -2% early in 2022.

Real Inflation Protected 10 year Bond Yields

Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

It is the real cost of funding developed government debt that have been driven much higher this year -not more inflation expected. Expectations of more inflation to come would have found expression in higher interest rates for inflation exposed lenders and not necessarily in higher real yields. Expected inflation measured as the difference in nominal and real yields for equivalent bonds has not increased this year in the US,UK or Europe. Inflation expected in the in the UK over the next ten years has remained about 4% p.a. this year, higher than inflation expected in Germany and the US that have varied about the 2.5% p.a. rate.

Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

It is not easy to explain why real interest rates in the developed world have risen so significantly this year. Additional competing demands for capital to fund capital expenditure that might ordinarily help explain higher costs of capital and rewards for savers have been notably absent. An alternative explanation is that greater risks to lenders has forced yields higher and bond prices lower to compensate lenders for assuming extra risks – that more risk demands higher returns and forces bond values lower. The risks posed by central banks struggling to cope with inflation have made bond markets far more volatile. The negative correlation between the increases in US bond market volatility Index and the Global Bond Index is strikingly large this year. The link between increased volatility and lower bond and equity valuations seems highly relevant. If it is the risk of central bank policy errors that have driven up required returns it may be hoped that a more predictable Fed will be accompanied by lower government bond yields.

US Bond market volatility and the Global Bond Market Index

Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

Thanks to the inflation panicking Fed, government bonds have proved anything but a safe haven for pension and retirement funds in the developed world. But in high bond yield, high risk South Africa, RSA  bonds have performed much better than equities for pension and retirement funds. The increase in long bond yields have been offset by much higher initial yields, leaving the bond market total return indexes in rands unchanged year to date while the JSE Swix Index has cost investors about 4% this year. RSA 10 year nominal yields started 2022 at 9.73% and have risen to 11.5% while the real yield on the inflation protected bonds are up from 3.63% to an elevated 4.6% p.a.

JSE Bond and Equity, Total Return Indexes January 2022=100. Daily Data

Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

These high yields mean very expensive debt for SA taxpayers and offer high risk premiums to compensate for what has been a seriously deteriorating fiscal stance since 2010. The MTBS just presented represents a serious attempt to regain fiscal sustainability. If the plans are realized the debt to GDP ratios will decline to levels well below that of the US or UK. A primary budget surplus – revenues exceeding all but interest expenses – has come surprisingly in sight. Achieved this would surely represent fiscal sustainability and help bring down RSA yields closer to those of the developed market borrowers.

The day the market stopped fighting the Fed

The financial market reactions to the US CPI news on 13th September provides an extreme example of how surprising news plays out in the day-to-day movements of share prices, interest and exchange rates. The key global equity benchmark, the S&P 500 lost nearly 5% of its opening value after the announcement that inflation in August had been slightly higher than expected. Implying that the Fed that sets short term interest rates in the US would be more aggressive in its anti-inflationary resolve, making a recession inevitable and more severe.

By the recent trends in GDP the US economy was already in recession despite a fully employed labour force. Recession without rising un-employment would have been unimaginable before the Covid lockdowns. The Fed failed to imagine the inflation that would follow the stimulus it, and the US Treasury, had provided to the post covid economy and this has become the problem for investors and speculators required to anticipate what the Fed will be doing to protect the value of the assets entrusted to them.

Yet it should be recognized that the US CPI Index in fact is no longer rising – average prices fell marginally in August as it had done the month before. But perhaps not as much as had been expected. The headline inflation rate- the rate most noticed by the households and the politicians had reached a peak of 9.1% in June and has since fallen to 8.3% as the CPI moved sideways. The increase in prices over the past three months was lower – 5.3% p.a.

Inflation in the US. Headline % p.a.  Monthly % and three monthly % p.a.

Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis, Investec Wealth and Investment

Yet even if the average prices faced by consumers stabilized at current levels until June 2023 the headline rate of inflation would remain elevated- at 6% p.a. by year end and could return to zero only by June 2023. One wonders just how realistic are the Fed’s plans to reduce inflation rates in shorter order. Patience is called for

The outlook for Inflation if the US CPI stabilized at current levels.

Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis, Investec Wealth and Investment

The true surprise in the inflation print was the trend in prices that exclude volatile food and energy prices. It was these supply side shocks to prices that had helped to drive the index higher and they are reversing sharply. However, the inflation of prices, excluding food and energy remains elevated. They are now 6% ahead of price a year ago. The Fed is known to focus on core rather than headline inflation.

Headline and “Core” inflation in the US

Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis, Investec Wealth and Investment

The largest weight in the US CPI Index is given to the costs of Shelter. They account for over 32% of the Index of which 28% is attributed to the implied rentals owner occupiers pay to themselves. The equivalent weight in the SA CPI is much lower – 13%. Where house prices go – so do rents – and the implicit costs – rather the rewards – of home ownership – and inflation. But surely the reactions of those who own more valuable homes are very different to those who rent?  Higher explicit rentals drain household budgets – and lead to less spent on other goods and services- and are resented accordingly as are all price increases. Higher implicit owner-occupied rentals do the opposite. They are welcomed and lead to more spending and borrowing. House price inflation in the US has been very rapid until recently- and rents may be catching up- meaning higher than otherwise inflation rates.

Prices always reflect a mix of demand and supply side forces. But ever higher prices- inflation – cannot perpetuate itself unless accompanied by continuous increases in demand. It is the impact of higher prices on the willingness and ability of households to spend more that is already weighing on the US economy. Incomes are barely keeping up with inflation. And the supply of money (bank deposits) and bank lending in the US has stopped growing further constrains spending.  If inflation is caused by too much money chasing too few goods the US is already well on the way to permanently lower inflation. The danger is that the Fed does not recognize this in good time  – and as the market place fears.

US Money Growth (M2 seasonally adjusted)

Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis, Investec Wealth and Investment

Anatomy of a crisis: lessons from 2008 and 2020

There are regularities of economic crises and their aftermaths that can help us to plot the way ahead.

Life has returned to normal in the US and UK – judged by the crowds attending Wimbledon, Wembley and Whistling Straits. With only the occasional mask to remind us of a crisis passed. The normal is once again guiding our expectations and economic actions, and is determining the value of the assets we own.

Normal for now, that is, and until the next crisis again moves the markets. Its timing, causes and consequences will remain one of the great known-unknowns, or perhaps it will even be an unknown- unknown (in the words of the recently passed Donald Rumsfeld). However, the successes of recent crisis management may help put us in a better position to cope.

We can define an economic crisis as a serious disruption of economic activity, leading to the severe loss of income and the benefits gained from producing and consuming goods and services. A crisis is therefore destructive of the value of the assets we own, which depend on such incomes.

A crisis is worse than your average recession, when GDP declines by a percent or two below trend for a year or so. The failures of the banks and insurance companies in 2008-2009 resulted in the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), which threatened to implode the real economy with them. In 2020, economies were shut down summarily to escape the pandemic, resulting in the loss of as much as a quarter of potential GDP, a large sacrifice of potential incomes and output.

Overcoming these two crises relied essentially on governments and their central banks. In the case of the GFC, it required central banks to shore up the global financial system buying assets from banks and financial institutions on a vast scale, in exchange for central bank money.

The responses to the crisis of 2020, at least in the developed world, were more immediate, less equivocal and on a larger scale than after 2008. They added much direct income relief to the monetary injections. They have surely succeeded not only in reducing the pain of lockdowns, but also in ensuring that demand for goods and services would recover with the supply of goods, that a return normality makes possible.

Judged by the signals provided by the markets in shares, bonds and commodities, the economic crisis is now well behind the developed world. US, emerging market (EM) and therefore South African companies are now worth significantly more than they were when the lockdowns became a reality in March 2020, when the US Index lost 13%, the EM Index 17% and the JSE gave up 27% of its US dollar value. The JSE had lost 14% of its value the month before.

The JSE from these lows has been a distinct outperformer, in dollars and in rands. The JSE has gained 50% compared to a 30% gain for the S&P and EM indices, when converted to rands. In dollars, the gains since the trough are even more impressive. The JSE is up 86% compared to the 66% and 61% gains for the S&P and EM since the crisis lows.

Regularities of a crisis
This indicates one of the crisis regularities for SA. South African assets and incomes are highly exposed to changes in global risk, losing more during a crisis and then gaining more than the average EM equity or bond when the crisis is over. It is also worth noting that the JSE has not moved much since March this year – another sign of normality. If only we had the gumption not to waste a good crisis.

The JSE compared to the S&P 500 and the MSCI EM in rands (January 2020=100) chart

This illustrates another regularity when an economic crisis is not of South African making. The rand is what we call a high beta EM currency – it does worse than its EM peers when risks are elevated and better when global risks decline, as has been the case with the JSE. During the height of the present crisis the rand/US dollar exchange rate and the JSE were 30% weaker compared with EM peers. They are now back to the normal long-term relationship of an average of one to one.

The rand and the JSE – Ratios to EM currencies and equity indices (2008 to 2010 and 2018 to July 2021) charts

 

Global market risks are easily identified by the volatility of the S&P 500 index, as represented by the well-known volatility index, the VIX. When these daily moves become more pronounced and share prices bounce around abnormally, the cost of insuring against market moves becomes ever more elevated – shares lose value when the future appears much less certain. Higher expected returns, and hence lower share prices, compensate for increased risks. In short, the VIX goes up and share prices go down in a crisis.

Volatility and the S&P 500 (2007 to 2010 and 2018 to July 2021) charts

The daily average for the VIX in the two years before the pandemic was 19 – it was over 80 at the height of both crises. It has recently moved back to 19.

The S&P 500 index is now in record territory in nominal and real terms. In inflation-adjusted terms, the S&P 500 is up about 7.4% a year since the low point of the financial crisis. Real earnings over the same period have grown at an annual average rate of 5.9% since 2009, an above average performance.

Looking for cover
Another regular feature of a crisis is the behaviour of the cover ratio – the normally very close relationship between earnings and dividends. The more cash retained (the less paid out) the more value that is added for shareholders.

 

The S&P 500 and the cover ratio (earnings/dividends)  (2008 to 2010 and 2018 to July 2021) chart

 

We make the presumption that the extra cash retained is invested well and earns above its opportunity cost. S&P earnings are again rising much more rapidly than dividends (which held up better during the crises). Indeed, analysts, absent the usual guidance from the managers of the companies they report on, are still struggling to catch up with the buoyant earnings recovery now under way. Earnings surprises are the order of the day.

The cover ratio for the JSE follows a similar pattern in times of crisis and has a similarly negative impact on share valuations. The more companies pay out dividends relative to earnings, the less these companies are generally worth. The recent recovery in cover ratios to something like their longer-term averages is another sign of normality, as well as a support for share prices. Ideally, the JSE cover ratio declines in line with the increase in opportunities to invest in ways that would add value.

SA shows its metal
A further regular feature of the economic crises of recent times and the recovery from them has been the behaviour of commodity and metal prices that make up the bulk of SA’s exports. They fall during a crisis and they recover strongly as the crisis passes by as they are doing now. Metal and mineral prices lead the South African business cycle in a very regular way. Commodity prices lead, the rand follows, inflation is then contained and interest rates, at worst, do not rise. And the money and credit cycles accommodate the rising incomes that emanate initially from the mining sector.

We are far from the super cycle we benefitted from in the lead up to the GFC of 2008. But we can hope that above normal demand for metals will continue to impress itself on below normal supply responses, translating into higher prices.

Industrial commodity prices (2008 to 2010 and 2018 to July 2021) (January 2008=100) chart

 

While long-term interest rates in SA have recovered from their crisis-driven extremes, they remain discouragingly elevated. Discouraging because they imply high hurdles for capital expenditure budgets to leap over and hence low cover ratios and less cash retained for capex. The gap between short and long-term interest rates, the slope of the yield curve, has moreover remained at crisis levels.

The yield curve implies that short-term interest rates will double within three years. This is a prospect that seems completely out of line with the outlook for the SA economy. We can only hope that the market has got this badly wrong.

The crisis-driven SA economy should not be forced to adjust to higher interest rates. It would be inconsistent with the economic and financial stability that the Reserve Bank is constitutionally charged to secure. It takes much more than low inflation to overcome an economic crisis, as South Africa may still come to recognise.

 

SA long and short-term interest chart

 

 

 

 

Has the US market crash fully discounted the permanent loss of earnings?

Does the reduced value of the S&P 500 reflect the earnings permanently lost after the coronavirus? We give a provisional answer.

The tribe of company analysts is hard at work revising the target prices (almost all lower) of the companies they follow. They will be adjusting the numerators of their present value calculations for the permanent losses of operating profits or free cash flow caused by the lockdowns. They will attempt to estimate the more long-lasting impact on the future performance of the companies they cover, after they get back to something like pre-coronavirus opportunities.
What discount rate will they apply to the expected post-coronavirus flow of benefits to shareholders? Will it be higher for the pandemic risk or lower because long bond yields are expected to remain low for the foreseeable future? When they have revised their target prices for the companies they cover, we could theoretically add up how much less all the companies covered by the analysts are now estimated to be worth. We would count the total damage to shareholders in trillions of US dollars since 1 January.

The analysts are taking much longer than usual to revise their estimates of forward earnings and target prices. But investors in shares are an impatient lot. They are making up their own collective minds, also with difficulty, as the turbulent markets and the high cost of insuring against market moves shows.

The companies listed in the S&P 500 Index were worth a collective US$28.1 trillion on 1 January 2020. By 23 February, when the market peaked, they had a still higher combined market value of US$29.4 trillion. By 23 March, the market had deducted nearly US$10 trillion off the value of these listed companies. Yet by 17 April, the market had recovered strongly from its recent lows, and was worth US$24.6 trillion, or US$3.5 trillion less than the companies were worth on 1 January. Is this too low or too high an estimate of permanent losses?

Figure 1: The market value of companies listed in the S&P 500, to 23 April 23 2020

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Source: Bloomberg and Investec Wealth & Investment

We will try to answer these questions. First, we attempt to estimate the damage to S&P reported earnings. These lost earnings can be compared with the losses registered in the market place, the US$3.5 trillion of value destruction. To do so, we first extrapolate S&P earnings beyond 2019, using a time series forecasting method. This forecast is used to establish the S&P earnings that might have been, had the economy not been so cruelly interrupted. We then estimate the earnings that are now likely to be reported, by assuming a loss ratio. That is the ratio between the earnings that we predict will be reported as a ratio to the earnings that might have been, had the US not been disrupted by the coronavirus.

As we show in the figure below, the reduction in reported earnings is assumed to be very severe in Q2 2020, when earnings to be reported in Q2 are assumed to be equivalent of only 25% of what might have been had the earnings path continued at pre-crisis levels. Then the loss ratio is assumed to decline to 30% in Q3, 50% in Q4 2020, and 75% in Q1 2021, where after it is estimated to improve by 5% a quarter until the earnings path is regained in Q2 2022.

The calculations are indicated in the charts below. The total accumulated loss in earnings under these assumptions would be a large US$3.4 trillion. It will be seen that the growth in estimated S&P 500 earnings turns positive, off a very low base, as early as Q2 2021. The key assumption for this calculation is the loss ratio, as well as the time assumed to take until back to the previous path. The more elongated the shape of recovery and the greater the loss ratios, the more earnings will be sacrificed.

If this assumed permanent loss of over US$3.4 trillion were subtracted from the pre-coronavirus crisis value of the S&P 500 of US$28 trillion, it would bring the S&P roughly to the value of about US$24 trillion recorded on 17 April.

Figure 2: The quarterly flow of S&P earnings in billions of US dollars

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Source: Bloomberg and Investec Wealth & Investment

Figure 3: Estimated quarterly loss of earnings per quarter (billions of US dollar) and growth in estimated earnings (year-on-year) 2019-2022

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Source: Bloomberg and Investec Wealth & Investment
How much S&P 500 gross earnings will be lost permanently is still to be determined with any degree of confidence. The US$3.4 trillion loss we estimate is consistent with the losses recorded to date in the market value of the S&P 500 companies. The environment after the coronavirus and the impact of the new political economy will have to be considered carefully when assessing the long-term prospects for businesses. As always, the discount rate applied to future economic profits will have a decisive role to play in determining the present values of companies.

Are the global markets right- about permanently low returns?

 

If we are to take seriously the signals from global bond markets- as we should- savers should expect a decade or more of very low returns. The decline in bond yields due to mature in 10 years or more accelerated dramatically during and after the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) (see below)

p1

 

 

 

 

Less inflation expected is part of the explanation for these lower yields. But it is more than lower expected inflation at work. Yields on inflation protected securities – those that add realized inflation to a semi-annual payment – have declined to rates below zero. Before the GFC the US offered savers up to a risk free 3% p.a. return for 10 years, after inflation. The equivalent real yield today is a negative one of (-0.11% p.a). (see below)

 

Real Yields in the US 10 year Inflation Linked Bonds ( TIPS)

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Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

These low risk-free rates also mean that firms investing the capital of their shareholders have very low investment hurdles to clear to justify their investment decisions. A 6% internal rate of return would be enough to satisfy the average shareholder given the competition from fixed interest. Equity returns might also be expected to gravitate to these lower levels.

Another way to describe these capital market realities is that the rate at which the value of pension and retirement plans can be expected to compound is expected to be at a much slower one than they have  been in the recent past. Savers will need to save significantly more of their incomes to realise the same post-retirement benefits.

The past decade has in fact been particularly good for global pension funds.  In the ten years after 2010 the global equity index  returned 10.5% p.a. on average while a 60-40 blend of global equities and global bonds returned an average 6.4% p.a. with less risk. US equities would have served investors even better, realizing average returns of 13.4% p.a,  well ahead of US inflation of 1.8% p.a. over the period.

Total portfolio returns 2010-2019 (January 2010 =100)

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Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

Why then has global capital become so abundant and cheap over recent years? Many would think that Quantitative Easing  (QE) the creation of money on a vast scale by the global central bankers, has driven up asset prices and depressed expected returns. An additional three and more trillion US dollars-worth has been added to the stock of cash since the GFC.

Global Money Creation

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Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

But almost all of this cash has been added to the cash reserves of banks- and not exchanged for financial securities or used to supply credit to businesses that could have stimulated extra spending. Bank credit growth has remained muted in the US and even more muted in Europe and Japan.

The supply of global savings has in fact held up rather better than the demand for them, helped by an extraordinary increase in the gross savings to GDP ratio in Germany. These savings have increased from about 22% of GDP in 2000 to 30% of GDP in 2018- while the investment ratio has remained at around 22% of GDP. Government budget surpluses have contributed to this surplus of savings in Germany. For advanced economies the share of government expenditure in GDP has fallen from 42% in 2010 to 38% in 2018 while the share of revenue has remained stable at about a lower 35% of GDP. This could be described as global fiscal austerity  -post the confidence sapping GFC.

Germany – Gross Savings and Investment to GDP ratios

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Source; IMF World Economic Outlook Data Base and Investec Wealth and Investment

IMF – All Advanced Economies – Ratio of Government Expenditure and Revenue to GDP

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Source; IMF World Economic Outlook Data Base and Investec Wealth and Investment

Perhaps depressing the demand for capital may be the changing nature of business investment. Production of goods and more so of the services that command a growing share of GDP, may well have become capital light.  Investment in R&D may not be counted as capital at all. Nor is intangible capital as easily leveraged.

Lower interest rates have their causes -they also have their effects. They are very likely to encourage more spending – by governments and firms and households. Mr.Trump does not practice fiscal austerity. Boris Johnson also appears eager to spend and borrow more. It would be surprising if firms and many more governments did not respond to the incentive to borrow and spend more and compete more actively for capital. Permanently low interest rates and returns and low inflation may be expected – but they are not inevitable. The cure for low interest rates (high asset prices) might well be low interest rates.

Some lessons from share market history

Shorter version published in Business Day, Friday 15th November

The market value of any business will surely  be determined by its economic performance. The most commonly applied and highly accessible proxy for performance are the earnings reported by its accountants and auditors. Cash dividends paid might be a superior indicator given how the definition of bottom line earnings has changed over time. Cash flows may be better still but are less readily available.

Robert Shiller provides 148 years and 1776 months of US stock market data. US S&P Index values, index earnings and dividends per share have followed a very similar path. The correlation between monthly prices, earnings and dividends, all up nearly 20,000 times since 1871, is close to one. [1]

Share Prices, Earnings and Dividends per Share (1871=100) Log Scale

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Source; Shiller Data, Investec Wealth and Investment

 

The P/E ratio for the S&P has averaged 15.76 over the long period with a low of 5 in 1917 and a high of 124 after earnings had collapsed in May 2009 while the Index held up to a degree. And dividends held up much better than earnings.

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Source; Shiller Data, Investec Wealth and Investment

 

If we run a regression equation relating the Index to earnings or dividends per share the residual of these equations (that what is not explained by the model) has a strong tendency to trend to zero- given enough time. Or in other words the price-earnings ratios have tended to revert to their long-term average of 15.8  over time but with variable lags.

The higher the P/E multiple the faster earnings must be expected to grow when they to make up for the low initial yield E/P and vice versa. Expected earnings drive current market prices. Surprisingly higher or lower revealed earnings will tend to move prices in the opposite direction. Earnings may catch up with prices or prices follow earnings. The move to any long-term equilibrium can come from either  direction, with advantage or disadvantage to shareholders.

Therefore be warned. Knowing that a PE ratio is above or below a long term average is not going to make you rich or poor speculating in the share market. The correlation of starting PE and returns realized over the next twelve months is close to zero.

The starting PE appears to become more helpful as a guide to investors when returns realized over an extended period are compared to it.  High starting PE’s are associated with generally lower returns and vice versa over three or five year subsequent windows. When we relate starting PE’s 36 or 60 periods before with returns realized three or five years afterwards over the entire period we do get a statistically supportive result. Choosing the right entry point to the market and waiting patiently for the outcomes would have been generally helpful to investors.

Examining the relationship between prices and earnings in the US does reveal some extreme cases. In the late forties and late seventies the market would have appeared as very cheap. But these were not good times for the US. The US was fighting and possibly losing a war in Korea. In the mid and late seventies the US was subject to stagflation- rapidly rising prices and slow growth. Also very un-promising times for shareholders.

However normality returned to the great advantage of those who did not share the prevailing pessimism and stayed in the market.  Between 1950 and 1953 the S&P PE crept up from seven to eleven times helping the total returns on the Index to average 22% p.a. In early 1978 the P/E was 8 times. Over the next three years the S&P delivered over 11% p.a on average as the US got its inflation under control.

By contrast in early 2000 at the height of IT optimism the S&P was trading at an extreme 33 times. Over the subsequent three years the S&P delivered negative twelve returns of -8.7% p.a. The IT bubble was only apparent after the event when expected earnings proved highly elusive.

S&P earnings collapsed during the GFC of 2008-09. From about $80 per index share in 2006 to less than $7 in early 2009. This sent the P/E multiple to 124 even as the Index fell sharply to a value of 757 by March 2009.  According to earnings the S&P was greatly overvalued. According to dividends that held up much better through the crisis, the market appeared as deeply undervalued. The dividend buy signal proved the right one as the economy recovered (unexpectedly) with lots of (unexpected) help from the Fed and the Treasury. The S&P Index since those dark days has that provided returns that have compounded on average at of over 13% p.a.

What is very different about the share market today in the US are the extraordinarily low interest rates- both long and short rates – that have surely helped drive the market higher as competition for shares from the money and bond markets fell away. What may appear as a demanding PE of about 22 times becomes much more understandable given abnormally low interest rates. Is this the permanently new normal for interest rates. Or will interest rates mean revert? And what is normal? Only time will tell.

[1] http://www.econ.yale.edu/~shiller/data.htm

The market and the economy – not a certain relationship

Brian Kantor 3rd April 2019

The state of the US economy gets very close attention from investors in the stock market. The market moved sharply lower in late December on fears of a US slowdown. More recently it has bounced back strongly as the outlook became less threatening as the Fed came to share some of the market anxieties and indicated it would not now be raising short term interest rates.

This raises a question. Could you make a fortune buying or selling shares accurately forecasting US GDP growth rates over the next few years? The answer is a highly qualified yes.  It would take very surprising – to others – very fast growth to deliver well above average returns in the stock market or, as surprising to all but yourself, very slow growth to deliver unusually poor returns.

Such phases of very fast or very slow growth, that presumably could confound the forecasters and investors, have in fact been very rare events. Since 1967 there have only been seven recessions in the US.  There have been about the same number of so-called technical recessions – defined as two or more consecutive quarters when the real GDP declined.

I count 20 quarters since 1967 when growth in the US was less than 1% per annum. Average annual returns on the S&P over these low growth quarters was a negative 11.8%. The worst quarter for shareholders was Q1 2009 when the market was down 47% on the same quarter a year before. However slow growth was not always bad news for investors. In Q2 1981, when growth fell at a 2.9% rate, the S&P 500 Index was up by 19.4% on a year before. Yet the statistical relationship between growth and returns over these low growth quarters was a generally very weak one with a simple positive correlation of only 0.07- not nearly enough  regularity to rely upon as an investment policy.

 

Slow growth quarters in the US; Scatter plot of Quarterly Growth and Annual Returns

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Source;  Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

I have also identified 98 quarters when growth in the US was a strong over 3% p.a. On average over these quarters the annual returns averaged an impressive 14.7% p.a. But this high average came with a great deal of variability around this average. The best annual return of 46.7% came in Q3 1982 and the worst -17.7% in Q4 1973. The statistical relationship between strong quarterly growth and annual returns is also very weak with a correlation close to zero.

 

Fast growth quarters in the US; Scatter plot of Quarterly Growth and Annual Returns

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Source;  Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

The statistical relationship between quarterly growth and returns over the entire period 1967-2018 is altogether a very weak one. Linear regression equations that explain annual index returns with quarterly growth rates have very little explanatory power. Using smoother annual GDP growth rates in the equation do little better. R squares of no more than 0.16 indicate that there is much more than growth determining annual or even more variable quarterly returns. Generally accurate forecasts of GDP growth are simply not going to cut the returns mustard.

The problem for any reliance on patterns of past performance is that the markets are always forward looking. The well-considered, forecasts of the economy and of the companies dependent on it, will already have helped determine the current value of any company and of any Index average of them. Hence only economic surprises- indeed only large surprises in the GDP numbers can move the market.  But anticipating these surprises is largely beyond the capabilities of the collective of forecasters – who will employ similar methods evaluating the widely available data that anticipates and makes up the GDP itself. Any surprises are going to surprise the forecasters as much as the market

However as recent developments on the share market indicate- down and up with not so much the GDP itself – but with expectations of it- what matters over any short period of time in the markets is not so much the forecasts themselves, but the confidence held in such forecasts. These will never be in a constant state. Any additional uncertainty about the state of the economy (less confidence in the forecasts) adds volatility to the market. That is wider daily moves in the market up and down. And when the market moves through a wider daily range share prices will move in the opposite direction in a statistically very consistent way.

 

The impact of risk (changes in the VIX) on S&P returns 2016-2019; Daily Data. Correlation (-0.74)

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Source;  Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

Such changes in sentiment are not easily forecast. If they could be reliably anticipated this would undoubtedly be wealth enhancing to the forecaster or rather the sage. They are however best ignored by long term investors in favour of as good a forecast of the economy over the long run, as you can hope to make or receive.

 

A New York (retail) state of mind

 New York, November 21st 2018

It is Thanksgiving this Thursday in the US – a truly inter-denominational holiday when Americans of all beliefs, secular and religious, give thanks for being American – as well they should.

This is a particularly important week for American retailers. They do not need not to be reminded of the competitive forces that threaten their established ways of doing business. Nor do investors who puzzle over the business models that can bring retail success or failure.

The day after thanksgiving is known as Black Friday, when sales and the profit margins on them will hopefully turn their cumulative bottom lines from red to black. It has been black Friday all week and month and advertised to extend well into December. Presumably, to bring sales forward, that is to make retailers less dependent on the last few trading days of the year.

The competition as we all know has become increasingly internet based  from distributors of product near and far, and yet only a day or two away. E commerce sales have grown by over three times since 2010 while total retail sales including E commerce transaction are 50%up since 2010.  Total US retail sales, excluding food service are currently over $440b and E commerce sales are over $120b (see figures 1 below)

 

Fig 1; US Retail and E Commerce sales (2010=100) Current prices

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Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis (FRED) and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

The growth in E Commerce sales appears to have stabilised at about 10% per annum. (see figure 1)

Fig 2; Annual growth in total retail and E commerce sales in the US (current prices)

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Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis (FRED) and Investec Wealth and Investment

Retail sales of all kinds have been growing strongly – though the growth cycle may have peaked- as may have GDP growth- leading perhaps to a more cautious Fed. How slowly growth rates will fall off the peak is the essential question for the Fed as well as Fed watchers and answers to which are moving the stock and bond markets. (see figure 3)

Fig.3: The US retail growth cycle

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Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis (FRED) and Investec Wealth and Investment

The inportance of on-line trade is conspicuous in the flow of cardboard boxes of all sizes that overflow the parcel room of our apartment building. Including boxes of fresh food from neighbouring supermarkets. The neighbourhood stores of all kinds are under huge threat from the distant competition that competes on highly transparent prices on easily searched for goods on offer as well as convenient delivery.  As much is obvious from the many retail premises on ground level now standing vacant on the affluent upper East side of New York. The conveniently located service establishments survive, even flourish, while the local clothing store goes out of business because they lack the scale (and traffic both real and on the web) to offer a credible offering.

But spare a thought for SA retailers for whom sales volumes in December are much more important than they are for US retailers. November sales for US retailers – helped by Thanksgiving promotions – are significantly more buoyant than December volumes. According to my calculations of seasonal effects since 2010, US retail sales in December are now running at only 90 per cent of the average month while November sales are well above average, at 116% of the average month.  Retail sales in the US however include motor vehicle and gasoline sales that are excluded from the SA statistics. December sales in SA are as much as 137% above the average month helped as they are by summer holiday business as well as Christmas gifts. (See figure 4 below that shows the different seasonal pattern of sales in the US and SA)

 

Fig.4; The seasonal pattern of retail sales in SA and the US (2015=100)

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Source; Federal Reserve Bank of St.Louis (FRED) and Investec Wealth and Investment

 

In the black Friday for SA retailers thus comes later than it does in the US.  And perhaps makes the case for adding promotions in November to smooth the sales cycle and reduce the stress of running a retail business. They may also hope that the Reserve Bank is not the grinch that spoils Christmas- though the answer to this will come on Thanksgiving.

 

Charts of the Week – The usual suspects

The week saw renewed pressure on emerging market (EM) exchange rates, led by the usual suspects, Argentina and Turkey. The rand did not escape the damage and did a little worse than the JP Morgan EM benchmark, that gives a large weight to the Chinese yuan and the Korean won. But it was much more a case of EM exchange rate weakness rather than US dollar strength.

Source: Bloomberg

The spread between US and German 10-year yields has stabilised (perhaps taking a little away from US dollar strength), while the US term structure of interest rates continues to flatten as the longer term rates fail to respond to higher short term rates. The cost of borrowing in the US beyond two years has not been increasing, despite the Fed’s intentions to raise rates in response to sustained US economic strength.

Source: Bloomberg

The pressure of capital withdrawn from EMs was reflected in a widening of the spreads on US dollar-denominated debt issued by EM borrowers, including SA. The spread on five-year RSA debt widened from around 202bps last week to 230, while Turkish debt of the same duration commands a risk premium of 562 bps – compared to 481 bps the week before. If only in a relative sense, SA’s credit rating has improved even as our debt trades as high yield (alias junk). The rating agencies, however, appear to be in no hurry to confirm this status for SA debt.

Part of the explanation of the weak rand and the decline in the value of the JSE, more in US dollars than in rands, has been the dramatic decline in the value of Naspers – up over 11% the week before last and down 7.7% last week. The Hong Kong market, where Tencent is the largest quoted company and in which Naspers holds over 30%, however returned 0.8% in US dollars last week. it is consistent that it is now among the weakest equity performers going into the new week. China and Chinese internet companies, in particular, have been a drag on emerging markets. More optimism about the Chinese economy is essential to the purpose of any emerging market currency and equity comeback.

Source: Bloomberg

Italy, Europe and beyond

Renewed volatility in bond and currency markets. Learning the lessons of monetary history.

Europe (especially Italy, but also Spain) rather than emerging markets (especially Turkey) has become the new focus of attention in financial markets. Bond yields in Italy and Spain have increased sharply in recent days. The two year Italian bond yield is up from zero a few days ago to the current 2.82% while the spread between 10 year Italian bonds and German Bund yields have risen from 1% to 2.87% in three days.

Rising US interest rates were the proximate cause of some earlier distress in emerging bond markets and now in the past few days have reversed course. From a recent high of 3.12% the yield on the key 10-year US Treasury Bond has fallen back to 2.83%. RSA bond yields have also receded in line with Treasury bond yields. Yesterday they were at 8.59% and about 28 basis points lower than their recent high of 8.87% on 21 May. However the risk spread with US Treasuries has widened marginally, from recent lows.

 

While long term interest rates in the US have fallen back, the US dollar has strengthened further against the euro and most currencies, including emerging market (EM) currencies like the rand. German Bunds are another safe haven and the 10-year Bund yield has also declined, from 0.64% earlier this month to the current 0.33%. This has allowed the spread between Treasuries and Bunds to widen further – to 2.6%, helping to add strength to the US dollar.

 

It should be appreciated that RSA bonds have held up well under increased pressure from US rates and now also some European interest rates. In figure 4 we compare RSA dollar denominated five year (Yankee) bond yields with those of five year dollar bonds issued Turkey and Brazil. While all the yields on these dollar denominated bonds have risen and also very recently have fallen back, the RSAs have performed relatively well.

 

The US dollar went through an extended period of weakness against its developed market peers and EM currencies between mid-2016 and the first quarter of 2018, after which the dollar gained renewed strength. Dollar strength can be a particular strength to EM currencies and the recent episode of dollar strength has proved no exception in this regard.

As we show below in figures 5 and 6, the rand performed significantly better than the EM Currency Index from December 2017 and has recently performed in line with the average EM currency vs the US dollar and much better than the Argentine peso and the Turkish lira recently. In figure 6 the declining ratio EM/ZAR indicates relative rand strength.

 

We may hope that the rand will not be subject to any crisis of confidence. So far so good. But were the rand to come under similarly severe pressure as has the Turkish lira, one would hope that the Reserve Bank would avoid the vain and expensive attempts to defend exchange rates that Argentina and Turkey have made. Throwing limited forex reserves and much higher short term interest rates at the problem can only do further harm to the real economy – and very little to stem an outflow of capital. As has been the latest case with Turkey and Argentina.

It was the mistake the Governor of the Reserve Bank Chris Stals made in 1998 when failing to defend the rand during that emerging market crisis. The best way to deal with a run on a currency – caused by exposure to a suddenly stronger dollar – is to ignore it. That is to let the exchange rate absorb the shock and live with the (temporary) consequences for inflation. Defending the currency provides speculators with a one way bet against the central bank attempting to defend the indefensible. It is much better to let them bet against each other and let the market find its own equilibrium. The renewed volatility in Europe, we may also hope, will continue to hold down US and RSA interest rates – and deflect attention from emerging markets. 30 May 2018

Not so quiet on the interest rate front

Things became more active on the global interest rate front last week, led by an advance of US yields. The key 10-year US Treasury yield was below 3% earlier in the week, but was at 3.12% onThursday before pulling back to 3.05% on Friday (it was ar 3.07% this morning). Not only have yields moved higher, but the spread between US Treasury and German Bund yields have widened further, to 2.5%.

This may be thought to be enough of a carry (enough US dollar weakness priced in, that is) to attract funds to the US and restrain the upward march in US rates and the US dollar. The US dollar has gained not only against the euro and other developed market currencies, it has gained against emerging market (EM) currencies, like the rand, as is usual when the dollar rises against the euro, yen and sterling. A strong dollar is a particular threat to EM currencies. The JP Morgan EM exchange rate index is now at 66.1 while the the US vs developed market currencies index (DXY) is trading at 93.87.

The rand has been among the better EM performers in the face of the advancing dollar as we show in figures 4 and 5 below (all rates in these charts up to 18 May – though the rand did come under motre pressure than other EM currencies on Friday). The ratio of the USD/ZAR to our own construct of eight other EM currencies and their exchange rates with the US dollar, improved significantly between November 2017 and March 2018 and the USD/ZAR has maintained its rating since then. The story of the rand has once more become a story of the US dollar rather than of South African politics. And seems very likely to remain so.

This ratio was 0.917 on the Monday 14 May – it weakened to 0.934 by the Friday. The story of the rand has once more become a story of the US dollar rather than of South African politics, and seems very likely to remain so.

Interest rates in the US have risen (and the dollar has strengthened) because the acceleration in US growth has been confirmed by recent labour market trends and by the strength in retail sales volumes reported last week. The state of economies outside the US, in Europe and even in emerging markets however, appears less certain. Global growth appears, at least for now, less synchronised – making for fewer correlated movements in short- and long-term interest rates.

It is of interest to note that US shorter term interest rates have been rising faster than long rates. The spread between the 10 and two-year Treasury bond yields have narrowed further. This flatter yield curve indicates that the US may be getting closer to the end of the cycle of rising short rates. Or in other words the GDP growth rates that justify higher short rates may well have peaked and are slowing down- which if so will cause short rates to decline from higher levels in the not too distant future. (See figure 6 below)

It is of particular importance to note that the recent increase in US yields have not been a response to more inflation expected. Inflation-protected real yields offered by the Treasury (TIPS) have increased in line with vanilla bond yields. The spread between nominal and real 10-year treasury yields has remained largely unchanged around 2.2%. That is to say, the bond market continues to expect inflation to remain at the 2% level for the next 10 years. So what is driving nominal yields higher is more growth, rather than the expectation of more inflation, thus representing interest rate developments that are less dangerous to equity valuations than if it were only inflationary expectations that were driving yields higher. The more GDP (and so earnings growth) expected, the more it improves the numerator of any present value calculation, perhaps enough to compensate for higher discount rates.

South African bond yields, as well as the USD/ZAR, have moved higher in response to US yields. However the spread between RSA and Treasury yields has remained largely unchanged. The spread, which indicates by how much the rand is expected to weaken against the US dollar over the years, narrowed sharply after November 2017. In other words, as the political news out of South Africa improved. Figure 8 below shows the SA exchange rate risks and the more favourable trends in RSA and US long bond yields, and in exchange rate expectations since January 2017.

Conclusion: how best to react to dollar strength

A stronger US dollar is seldom good news for the growth prospects of emerging market economies, including South Africa. It puts upward pressure on prices and downward pressure on spending. It furthermore raises the danger of monetary policy errors of the kind Argentina has been making: raising interest rates to fight exchange rate weakness and the (temporarily) higher prices that follow. This then slows down economic growth further, without helping and maybe even harming the exchange rate. Slower growth drives capital away and interest rates, become less attractive when a still weaker exchange rate is expected.

The wise policy approach is to ignore of exchange rate weakness that is caused by dollar strength and not by excessive domestic spending. South Africa made such monetary policy errors during the last period of US dollar strength between 2011 and 2016. We may hope that such errors are not repeated. We may hope even that this period of dollar and US strength is a temporary one – and that growth outside the US resumes an upward trajectory. 21 May 2018

Global savings and interest rates- will we see normalisation?

 

What the world needs now is more than love- there is also too little spending. [1]More of that would also be very welcome. Particularly welcome would be extra spending by business enterprises on capital equipment. This lack of demand, combined with a rising global savings rate, has created an abundance of saving that explains the exceptionally low interest rate rewards for saving in developed economies. This glut of savings followed the global financial crisis (GFC) of 2008-09 that made managers more fearful to spend or lend while additional regulations restricted their freedom to do so.

The story of the global glut of savings can be told in a few pictures provided by the World Bank shown below. When will then consider how the bond market in the US may be indicating some incipient revival of the animal spirits of US corporations. Encouraged, as they attest, by lower tax rates and much more sympathetic regulators.

Figure 1 charts gross global savings as a per cent of gross global incomes. (GNI) As may be seen share of savings of income has been rising steadily over the years. The GFC hit savings even harder than incomes (upon which savings depend) but since then savings have made an ever larger claim on incomes (26% in 2015). The global savings rate was only about 21% of incomes in the fast growing and higher interest rate world of the mid-nineties. It has been on a generally upward trend since, as may be seen.

Gross savings – (savings before amortisation of capital that turns gross into net savings) are dominated by the cash retained by corporations. Households may save – but other households over the same period may be large borrowers and reduce the net contribution households make to the capital market. And most governments are net borrowers- borrowing even more than they spend on infrastructure that is counted as saving.

Fig 1; Gross savings as per cent of Gross Global Income  

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As we show below in figure 2, the rate at which real capital – plant and infrastructure – has been accumulated has been trending in very much the opposite lower direction. There was a brief surge in the rate of capital formation in 2005 – a boom year for the global economy – but this was not sustained and was but 24% of global incomes in 2016- compared to a higher global savings rate of 26%.

Fig.2; Gross Capital Formation (% of GDP)

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Source; World Bank

In the case of South Africa, with a lower gross savings rate of less than 18% of GDP, the cash retained by the corporate sector (including state owned enterprises) accounts for more than 100% of all gross savings. The household sector’s net contribution to gross savings flows is barely positive and the government sector is a net dis-saver. We show the trends in the SA savings rate below. The profits from the gold booms of the seventies and early eighties were responsible for the very high savings rates then.

Fig 3; South Africa – Gross Savings Rate

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Source; World Bank

South Africa cannot realistically hope to raise its savings rate significantly. It can however hope to raise the rate at which capital expenditure is undertaken. That is by reducing the risks of investing in SA- and growing faster and attracting the savings to fund more rapid growth. That would be freely available from the large pool of global savings anxiously seeking better returns- given the right incentives and protections to do so. There is, as indicated, no global shortage of capital – only of attractive investment opportunities that SA could be offering.

The current rate of capital formation currently in SA is only slightly higher than the low savings rate – hence the small net inflows of foreign capital. The difference between any nation’s gross savings and capital formation is approximately equal to the net capital inflow and so the current account deficit on the balance of payments. The item that balances the current account deficit (exports-imports +debt service) – is the change in forex reserves- usually a comparatively small number.

South Africa could do with much faster growth that would encourage more capital formation and attract the foreign savings to fund this growth. And higher corporate incomes would mean more corporate savings. It is slow growth that is at the core of SA’s economic issues. Not the lack of savings. If we grew faster both the current account deficit and the capital inflows would be larger and the rate of capital formation higher. And a larger capital stock would bring more employment and higher incomes for a more productive labour force.

The US despite a relatively low and fairly stable savings rate (currently also around 18% of GNI as in South Africa) is, given the scale of its economy, still a large saver on the global stage. Though the US economy is the largest by far drawer on the global capital market to fund its spending as we show below in figure 8. While the US has been saving absolutely more recently, Chinese savings have now far overtaken US savings in absolute magnitude. Germany is another large saver, adding significantly to global savings in recent years, as we show below.

 Fig. 4; Global Savings Rates

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Source; World Bank

 

Fig.5; Gross savings (current US dollars) by economy

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Source; World Bank

The Chinese are not only the largest contributor to global savings, saving an extraordinary 45% of their GNI – a rate that as may be seen has been declining from above 50%- they are also undertaking by far the largest share of global capital formation. They created plant and equipment – real capital – worth over USD 5 trillion in 2016 or at a rate equivalent to 45% of GNI, similar to the investment rate- meaning that most of the Chinese savings were utilised domestically.

Fig.6; China Gross Capital Formation (% GDP)

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Source; World Bank

But this raises a very important issue for the Chinese. Given the rate at which they save and invest in real capital the realised growth in Chinese incomes must be regarded as disappointingly poor- even when about a 7 per cent p.a rate. It suggests that much of the capital formed is still unproductively utilised. The full discipline of western style capital markets is surely something still to be introduced to China to improve returns on savings. But for all the relative inefficiency of Chines capital, the sheer volume of Chinese capital formation has made it the dominant force in the market for minerals and metals that are used to create  capital goods.

 

Fig.7; Gross capital formation by economy – current US dollars

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Source; World Bank

In figure 8 below we show how The US dominates the demand side of the flows through global capital market- and the thrifty Europeans –  the supply side. As may be seen these trends that made US economic actors the dominant utilisers of global capital are predominatly a post 2000 development.

It is these capital flows that drive the US dollar exchange rate – and by implication all other exchange rates. Trade flows react to exchange rates- rather than the other way round. This is also the case for SA. With one important difference- foreign trade for the US economy is equivalent to about 25% of GDP. In SA imports and exports – valued at unpredictable exchange rates are equal to about 50% of GDP.

Fig. 8, Net Financial Flows from Europe and to the US. Current US dollars

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Source; World Bank

The flows of savings and flows into the US have not only moved the dollar they have moved interest rates. Perhaps the best measure of the global rewards for saving are found in the direction of the real rates of interest offered by an inflation linked bond issued by the US Treasury. Such a bond may be regarded as free of default as well as inflation risk. The risks of inflation are reflected in the yield on a vanilla bond. In the figure 9 below we compare the yield on a 10 Year US Treasury Bond and its inflation protected alternative with the same duration. As may be seen the nominal and real yields have both trended lower. The vanilla treasury bond was offering over 5% p.a in 2005- now the yield for a ten year loan provided the US is about 2.7% p.a. Real yields were over 2%. p.a. in 2005-06. They are now about a half of one per cent p.a. – after a period of negative returns in 2012-2013.

More important these yields have been rising in 2018 indicating some small degree of greater demands for capital. The real and nominal yields however remain very low by historic standards as will be appreciated. Normality – that is any sustained higher global growth rates, must mean much  higher real yields. Higher nominal yields will also depend on how much inflation comes to be added to real yields.

Fig. 9; Nominal and Real 10 Year US Treasury Bond Yields (Daily Data 2005- 2018)

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Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

Fig. 10; Nominal and Real 10 Year US Treasury Bond Yields (Daily Data 2018)

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Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

In figure 11 below we show the difference between these nominal and real interest rates. These differences represent the extra compensation bond investors receive for taking on inflation risk. It may be regarded as a highly objective measure of inflationary expectations. The more inflation expected the wider must be the spread between nominal and real yields. As may be seen- excluding the impact of the GFC this spread or inflation expected has remained between two and three per cent per annum. It is important to recognise that these inflationary expectations remain very subdued despite a recent increase. Equity investors as well as bond investors must hope that inflation expectations remain subdued enough to hold down nominal interest rates even as real yields rise to reflect a stronger global economy and a revival of capital formation. Low inflation with faster growth is an especially favourable scenario for equity markets.

Fig.11; Inflation compensation in the US Treasury Bond Market – spread between nominal and real 10 year US Treasury Bond Yields

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Source; Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment

[1] With acknowledgement to Burt Bacharach

A volatility storm – has it passed?

The S&P on Monday lost 4% by its close. The Dow had its largest one day loss in history, over 1000 points. In percentage terms it was the worst day for the New York markets since September 2011.

It is easier to understand what didn’t move the New York markets on Monday than what did. It was not any economic news, which was notably absent on the day. Nor was it interest rates. Interest rates moved the markets on Friday when they rose sharply in response to the impressive employment report. Both real and nominal bond yields closed sharply lower by the close on Monday and have maintained lower levels compared to Friday’s close on early Tuesday morning, even as the equity markets remained under pressure before the markets opened.

The most conspicuously unusual behaviour on markets was registered by the CBOE Volatility Index, the VIX. It closed 20 points higher at 37, the largest point and percentage change in this Index ever. And most of this increase took place in the last two hours of trading: it moved from 10 to over 30 in two hours. It appears that much of the price move and the huge volumes of trading activity associated with it was the result of special funds attempting to close out strategies based upon low volatility. Their attempts to do so forced up the Index and forced share prices lower.

The issue for market commentators before the market opened was how soon, as it is described, the systematic bid for volatility would subside. Judged by the strong recovery of the equity markets (S&P up one per cent as I write on Tuesday evening) in the first hour of trading the danger posed by rebalancing volatility strategies may have passed. Yet volatility – the form of minute to minute movements in share prices and Index averages of them – remains highly elevated. The VIX on 6 February continued to trade at these elevated levels as the market indices gyrate between positive and negative values.

Some economic realities

Perhaps in times when economic fundamentals appear irrelevant to company valuations, it is good to be reminded of just what has been happening at the economic coal face. Though coal is surely the wrong metaphor, the companies we refer to here are moving the frontier of economic activity – of how we work and consume that has changed so dramatically.

Some of the leading new economy companies reported their results for Q4 2017. The scale of their operations and the growth in their revenues is nothing less than very impressive. Apple for example reported quarterly sales of $88.29bn, up 13% on the same quarter in 2016. Amazon reported Q4 sales of $60.5bn, up no less than 38% on the same quarter a year before and up 31% for the year. Facebook grew sales in Q4 2017 to $12.97bn and by 47% and Alphabet generated revenues in Q4 of $32.32bn, up 24%. And Microsoft (in business for much longer) grew its sales in Q4 2017 by 12%, to $25.83bn.

All these companies that are thriving impressively and are being generously valued accordingly – described as the FAAGMS – have a competitive and a regulatory threat. Their success to date is as vulnerable to disruption by competitors – known and unknown – as they have proved to be to what were then established ways of doing business.

However their success and the market dominance it seems to create – of which their approving customers are the arbiters – is bound to attract the attention of regulators and tax collectors. That is of economic agents, with interests and powers of their own, who are philosophically unwilling to concede the race for dominance in a market place is to be determined by consumers and regulate accordingly. They would do well to accept that what constitutes the relevant market place is fluid and incapable of being usefully defined and confined. Competition for the budgets of households and of all the firms that ultimately compete for their favour remains highly intense, as the fast growing sales of the Apples, Amazons, Facebooks, Googles and Microsofts prove. Society should best leave the unpredictable outcomes to this competition. 7 February

Equity markets and interest rates in the US

Equity markets and interest rates in the US – will we avoid inflation surprises?

The equity markets in the US have had an outstanding run. The S&P 500 is up 26% since January 2017 and has advanced with unusually low volatility. Day to day movements in the Index have been very limited by the standards of the past. The fundamentals of the market have been supportive of higher valuations. High operating margins and rising earnings, with upward revisions of earnings to come, combined with still low interest rates, have attracted these higher valuations. The future of earnings and margins has been further enhanced by the income tax cuts for corporates, small businesses and individuals. The animal spirits of corporate leaders are stirring, promising a boost to the economy from a strong pick up in capital expenditure.

The concern is that unexpectedly higher interest rates can offset these benefits, as earnings are discounted to estimate present values. As we show below, US Treasury bond market yields have been rising this year – but from abnormally low levels. Nominal yields for 10-year money have increased this year from 2.45% to current levels of 2.72%. So have real yields – they have risen from a very low half a per cent in early 2018 to over 0.6% now. Furthermore, the gap between nominal and real inflation protected interest rates has increased from 2.45% at the start of 2018 to the current level of over 2.7%. This spread reveals the inflation rate predicted by the bond market. The bond market is anticipating and being compensated for slightly more inflation expected over the next 10 years.

The Fed’s target for inflation is 2% – a target that it is still to meet and is by no means certain of meeting any time soon. The Federal Open Market Committee, reporting this week (31 January 2018) still expects inflation to stabilise around its 2% objective over the medium term in its latest statement. It also repeated its view “that near-term risks to the economic outlook appear roughly balanced, but the Committee is monitoring inflation developments closely…”

The most supportive scenario for the equity market will be one of rising real interest rates – indicating stronger growth in demands for capital – coupled with still very subdued expected inflation that will sustain low nominal interest rates. It is not higher real interest rates that represent danger to equity valuations. It is more inflation expected that would drive nominal interest rates higher that represent the threat to equity markets. Not only the Fed, but the markets, will be watching inflation developments closely. They will also be watching each other closely to avoid inflation surprises. Equity investors must hope that inflation does not surprise on the high side. Low inflation and strong real growth are what equity markets will thrive on, as they have done lately. 2 February 2018

The great taskmaster

The success of any business enterprise is measured by the return realised on the capital entrusted to it. The managers of an enterprise will rationally direct the capital provided them to particular business purposes in the expectation of a return on the capital invested that exceeds its opportunity cost, that is greater than the expected return from the next best alternative project with similar risks of success or failure. The more risk of failure, the greater must be the required (breakeven) return.

Measuring the internal rates of return delivered by an operating enterprise in a consistent way over any short period of time, for example a year or six months, has its own accounting for performance complications. The fullness of time, or until the venture is sold or liquidated, may be necessary for calculating how well the owners have done with their capital. However calculating the risks of failure of any potential project is much more a matter of judgement and sound process, than any precise measurement.

The only returns that can be measured with accuracy are those realised for investors in listed and well-traded companies. Returns come explicitly in the form of capital gains or losses and dividends or capital repayments received. And risks to potential returns are measured by the variability of these (monthly) returns over time that hopefully have a consistent enough pattern. A consistency furthermore that identifies the returns from a company as more or less risky compared to the pattern of average returns realized on the stock market. These measures can then form the basis of a required risk-adjusted return for a company or an investor to aim at.

These so-called betas that compare returns on individual shares to market returns as above or below averagely risky may in fact be quite unstable variables when measured over different time periods. Furthermore, these equations that relate company returns to market returns may or may not explain a great deal of past realised returns. The alpha of the total return equation that reveals company specific influences on total returns may account for much of realised returns.

This may be as well when judging the competence of the managers deciding and executing on projects. If the share market returns are mostly alpha (under the control of manager) and not the result of market wide developments over which managers have no influence, then determining the contribution of managers to realised returns becomes a consistent process.

Those buying a share from a willing seller are mostly gaining a share in the established assets and liabilities of an operating company – a share that the seller is willingly giving up – at a price that satisfies both. They are not providing extra capital for the firm to employ.

By establishing a price for a share they are however providing information about the market value of the company’s operations and so by implication the terms on which the company could raise further share or debt capital, should they wish to do so to supplement the company’s own savings to be invested in ongoing projects. The additional capital invested by operating companies will mostly be funded through cash retained by the firm, that is from additional savings provided by established shareholders.

The secondary share market transactions, through their influence on share prices, converts the internal rates of return realised by and expected of an operating company, into expected market returns. The superior the expected performance of an operating company, the more investors will pay up in advance for a claim on the company. The higher (lower) the share price the lower (higher) must be the expected returns for any given operating outcomes.

In this way through share price action, higher costs of entry into the investment opportunity, companies and their managers that are expected to generate way above average returns on the capital they invest in on-going operations and projects, may in reality only provide market-related average returns to share owners over any reporting period, say the next year or two. The further implication of these market expectations, incorporated into share prices, is that only a surprisingly good or disappointing operating results will move the market. The expected will already be reflected be in the price of a share or loan.

The implications of these expectations and their influence on share market prices and share market returns for managers and their rewards, provided by shareholders, seems obvious. Managers should be rewarded for their ability to realise or exceed the required internally generated returns on capital invested: charged to exceed targets for internal rates of return that are set presumably and consistently by a board of directors, acting in the interest of their shareholders.

Better still, targets set for managers that are made public and well understood and can be defended when exceeded and managers who are then rewarded accordingly. By contrast, share market returns that anticipate good or poor performance, cannot reveal how well or poorly operating managers have done with capital entrusted to them. Rewarding operating managers on the basis of how their shares performed is not a good method. Excellent companies that are expected to maintain their excellence and perform as expected to very high standards may only generate average returns. And poor management can wrongly benefit from above normal returns if expectations and share prices are set low enough. The correct basis for recording the value of managers to their shareholders is to recognise as accurately as possible, the realised internal rates of return on the shareholders capital they have employed.

The managers of companies or agencies that invest in operating companies – be they investment holding companies or unit trusts or pension funds – can however be judged by the changing value of the share market and other opportunities they invest in. Their task is to earn share market beating risk adjusted returns. They can only hope to do so by accurately anticipating actual market developments. They can do so anticipating the surprises that will move the market one way or another and allocating capital accordingly in advance of them.

The managers of a listed investment holding company, for example a Remgro or PSG or a Naspers, are endowed with permanent capital by original shareholders that cannot be recalled. This allows them to invest capital in operating companies for the long run. They, the managers of the holding company, when allocating capital to one or other purpose, must expect that the managers of these operating companies they invest in are capable of realising above average (internal) returns on the capital they invest. If indeed this proves so, they must hope that the share market comes to share this optimism and prices the holding company shares accordingly, to reflect the increased value of the assets it owns. Other things being equal, the greater the market value of their investments the greater will be the market value of the holding company.

But other things may nor remain the same. The market place is always a hard task master. Past performance, even good investment management performance, may only be a partial guide to expected performance. The capabilities of the holding companies’ managers to add value by the additional investment decisions they are expected to make today and tomorrow – not only the investments they made in the past – will also be reflected in the value attached to their shares.

These can stand at a discount or at a premium to the market value of the assets they own. The difference between the usually lesser market value of the holding company and the liquidation value of its sum of parts – its NAV – will reflect this pessimism about the expected value of their future investment decisions.

A lower share price paid for holding company shares compensates for this expected failure to beat the market in the future – so improving expected share market returns. It is a market reproach that the managers of holding companies should always attempt to overcome, by making better investment decisions. And by exercising better management of their portfolios, including converting unlisted assets into potentially more valuable listed assets and also by indicating a willingness to unbundle successful listed assets to shareholders when these investments have matured. And be rewarded appropriately when they succeed in doing so.

21 December 2017

A world of exchange rate volatility – tough on trade and central banks

SA is very open to international trade. The aggregate value of imports and exports in any year is equal to 50% of GDP. Yet all this great volume of trade across borders is subject to highly volatile exchange rates. This volatility adds considerable risks to exporters, importers and those who compete with imports and exports in the local market.

What matters for the operating margins of businesses is exchange rates adjusted for differences in inflation between trading partners. These are known as real exchange rates. An undervalued exchange rate will add to profit margins, while an overvalued one – should the exchange rate change by less than the differences in inflation – will depress margins.

When the offset is complete, or when what is gained or lost on the exchange rate is equal to the difference in inflation rates, purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rates are said to hold. In such a case, the prices of common goods or services delivered in any market place will be about the same when expressed in any common currency. Real exchange rates above 100 indicate overvalued exchange rates while real exchange rates below 100 indicate the opposite: an undervalued or generally competitive exchange rate.

It is however changes in nominal exchange rates that are the predominant force behind changes in the real exchange rate. In SA and elsewhere, frequent shocks to the exchange rates lead the process and inflation rates follow.

However the SA experience with real exchange rate volatility is by no means unique. The trade-weighted real US dollar exchange rate has been even more variable than the real rand exchange rate. And those of Europe and the UK are similarly variable.

In figure 1 below we show the performance of the US dollar rate of exchange against its developed market peers (DXY). We also show the real dollar exchange rate against its major trading partners. The pattern has been a highly unstable and destabilising one for the global economy, which relies on the US dollar as a reserve currency and unit of account.

 

 

We compare below in figure 2 a variety of trade weighted real exchange rates for the period 1995- 2017. As may be seen, all these real exchange rates are highly variable. Not co-incidentally, the real trade-weighted rand moved in very much the opposite direction to the real US dollar. The real euro and real sterling have also been highly variable since 1995. A consistently overvalued, less competitive real sterling between 1996 and 2007 can be identified. More recently, with Brexit in sight, sterling has become much more competitive.

 

Moreover none of the real exchange rates considered above can pass a statistical test for mean reversion. The Chinese and Japanese real exchange rates trends shown below conspicuously do not revert to the theoretical PPP 100. The real yuan has had a distinct and persistently stronger trend (off what was a very undervalued base in the mid-90s) while the real yen moves persistently weaker off what was presumably a very overvalued base in 1995.

 

How should monetary policy react to exchange rate shocks?

This global nominal and real exchange rate volatility – as well as the lack of mean reversion to trade neutral purchasing power parity exchange rates – has greatly inconvenienced global trade. It has also greatly complicated the reactions of central banks.

We would argue the best approach central banks should adopt to exchange rate shocks is to ignore them. This is because such shocks are unpredictable and largely beyond their control. They have little to do with competitiveness in international trade and almost all to do with capital flows responding to changes in expected returns across different economies. If such exchange rate shocks are temporary – even perhaps rapidly reversible – the impact they have on inflation will be as temporary. They therefore will not be expected to permanently add to inflation and therefore will not add to expected (forecast) inflation.

It should be recognised that dollar strength and other currency weakness in response to persistent capital flows can persist for an extended period of time. Persistent US dollar strength – against its developed economy peer currencies and against most emerging market currencies – explains much of the nominal and real rand weakness and also emerging market currency weakness observed between 2014 and mid-2016. Ditto the higher inflation rates that followed.

But to react to exchange rate shocks as if they threatened permanently higher inflation is to make monetary policy hostage to the unpredictable US dollar exchange rate. Monetary policy in the emerging market world would do better to moderate rather than exaggerate the shocks to spending intentions and confidence that may emanate from the market in foreign exchange.

Unfortunately the SA Reserve Bank, from early 2014, added higher interest rates to the contractionary forces emanating from a weaker exchange rate. We regard this as an error of monetary policy that unhelpfully further reduced growth rates without any obvious reduction in inflation rates or inflation expected.

The implications of exchange rate volatility for investment portfolios

Monetary policy in the US understandably does not react to the exchange value of the dollar. Thus when investing abroad (investments that always carry extra risks given exchange rate volatility) a bias in favour of US-based investing seems appropriate. Or, in other words, the risks posed by a volatile real and nominal US dollar to monetary policy and real economic activity everywhere else are best hedged by investing in the US rather than in more macro policy error prone economies. 9 November 2017

Reading the markets – a spring update

These are very good times for emerging market (EM) equities and currencies. The MSCI EM equity index continues to power ahead and has gained over 25% this year. This may be compared to a gain of about 10% for the S&P 500 and the average European equity. The JSE All Share Index has also had a good year and is up by about 16% in US dollars (see figure 1).

A degree of perspective on these recently favourable equity trends is called for. As we show in figure 2 this EM outperformance has come after years of underperformance between 2011 and 2016, as is shown in figure 2. The EM comeback is still very much a partial one that dates from the first quarter of last year. Perhaps some encouragement can be taken from this perspective.

The EM equity comeback (measured in US dollars) can be attributed partly to a weaker US dollar and stronger EM exchange rates. In figure 3 below, we compare the performance of the US dollar vs other developed market exchange rates – mostly vs the euro. The US dollar has weakened significantly since January 2017, by about 8% according to the trade weighted (DXY) index, while the index of EM currencies vs the US dollar has shown a similar degree of strength. The EM Currency Index calculated by JP Morgan (JPMEMX) includes a small weight in the rand. The rand/US dollar exchange rate has performed in line with the average EM exchange rate. Note higher numbers in these figures indicate a more favourabe rate of exchange.

This strongly negative correlation between US dollar weakness vs its peers and EM currency strength vs the US dollar is of long standing, as we show in figure 4 below. The correlation coefficient is of the order of a negative (-0.83) using daily data.

Thus much of the recent strength in EM currencies, including the rand, reflects US dollar weakness vs its peers. As we will demonstrate further below, the recent strength of the rand is much more a tale of the US economy vs its developed market peers than of political and economic developments in SA. The rand has performed very much in line with its own EM peers against the USD,

EM economies and their equity and currency markets have clearly benefitted from a recovery in metal and commodity prices that are dependent on global demands. The global economy has grown faster and in a highly synchronised way in recent months. This news about the state of the global economy has become more encouraging for metal producers. The underperformance of EM currencies and equities since 2011 and their recent recovery is closely associated with the recovery in metal prices, as we show in figure 5 below. Metal prices bottomed out in mid-2016 and have enjoyed a strong move higher since mid-2017, as we show in figure 6.

As with the recovery in EM equity markets, the recovery in metal prices should also be understood as a still partial recovery from the heights of the super-cycle and one that has come after an extended period of lower prices.

The strength in the rand and in metal prices bodes well for the SA economy. It implies more valuable exports and more importantly raises the prospects of lower interest rates – essential if the economy is to enjoy something of a cyclical recovery. The market place appears to have recognised some of the better news about the global economy. The RSA sovereign risk spreads have receded, as we show in figures 8 and 9. The yield on RSA five year dollar denominated debt has fallen sharply from the yields and spreads demanded when President Zuma first intervened in the SA Treasury in December 2015. The cost of issuing RSA dollar-denominated debt has fallen significantly, despite the downgrading of the debt rating agencies.

What has not changed much in recent months has been the spread between rand-denominated RSA bond yields and their US equivalents. For 10 year bonds, the yield spread remains well over 6% p.a. indicating that the rand, despite its recent strength, is still expected to lose its USD exchange value at an average rate of more than 6%. Consistent with this view of persistent rand weakness, is that inflation compensation in the bond market, calculated as the difference between a 10 year vanilla bond yield and its inflation protected equivalent, also remains well above 6%. Inflation expectations or the outlook for the rand have not (yet) responded to the strength of the rand. 5 September 2017

 

Go offshore – for the right reasons

*Published in Business Day on 4 August 2017 (Published version available here)

Offshore diversification by SA firms is not necessarily the best way for investors to diversify their risks.

South African business leaders are demonstrating a heightened taste for expansion offshore. They are borrowing more locally and abroad to fund this growth. The reasons for doing so seem obvious enough. The stagnant SA economy now offers them minimal growth opportunities, yet they are likely to be well rewarded for growing earnings. Clearly such growth would be helpful to managers – is it as likely to be helpful to their shareholders?

It all depends on how much of their capital or debt incurred on their behalf is employed to pursue earnings growth. Unless the extra cash generated by expansion abroad or domestically can be confidently expected to provide a cash return in excess of the opportunity cost of the extra cash invested (cash in for expected cash out, all properly discounted to the present with proper allowance for the maintenance and replacement of the assets acquired) the investment should not be made. One wonders how many of the offshore acquisitions by SA companies offshore can confidently offer cost-of-capital-beating returns for their SA shareholders?

Why then the near flood of such acquisition activity?  Every director acting as the custodian of the capital of shareholders should know that growing earnings or earnings per share may not be helpful to shareholders, if too much capital has been expended to realise growth in earnings.  If managers are incentivised to grow earnings regardless of the extra capital employed to do so, they should not be surprised when managers seek growth wherever it can be found, regardless of how much it costs and whether or not it destroys wealth for shareholders. The golden rule of finance is always relevant: positive net present value (NPV) strategies are worthy of consideration but negative NPV strategies should be declined, especially if they are being made for “strategic reasons” (when an investment is made for “strategic reasons” it often means that there are no “financial reasons” for pursuing it).

A further benefit to managers from expansion offshore will come in the form of a more diversified flow of earnings when these include earnings generated independently of their SA operations. Full exposure to SA risk may threaten the survival of a business and so their own employment prospects. Shareholders however may have no need for managers to diversify their risks. They diversify their portfolios by holding small stakes in a large number of companies. The more specialised and efficient the companies they are able to invest in, the better. Conglomeration in principle comes at a price – that of the cost of a head office or holding company discount. Executives who diversify earnings on behalf of their shareholders are not doing them a favour. Shareholders can do it themselves at a fraction of the cost, e.g., no expensive investment bankers are required, and they can exit when they wish by simply selling assets in their portfolio.

South African shareholders, especially private shareholders, have enjoyed much greater freedom in recent years to invest directly in companies listed offshore. The case for their SA managers investing offshore on their behalf as part of a diversification strategy is therefore a weak one.

SA institutional portfolios subject to a 25% limit to their offshore holdings may have a stronger case for JSE-listed companies investing offshore on their behalf. Indeed, the case for what are essentially offshore companies having a listing on the JSE, primary or secondary listings, is predicated on this constraint on their asset allocations. These companies, with minimal exposure to the SA economy, can raise capital on the JSE on superior terms to those available to them elsewhere. Or, to put it alternatively, they can benefit from a higher share price (in US dollars, on the JSE) by catering to the SA institutional investor. For the private SA investor able to invest abroad, essentially without limit, it makes little sense to pay any premium for access to offshore earnings, dividends or the capital appreciation provided by a JSE listing. The private investor can diversify directly, without exchange control constraints, by investing in the most promising of companies listed offshore.

All this is not to suggest that SA companies and their managers cannot succeed offshore. Some exceptional managers have created a lot of wealth for their SA shareholders by doing so. Rather it is to argue that such attempts should be made on their own strict investment merits; that is, they offer a return (cash in/cash out) that exceeds the risk-adjusted returns their shareholders could hope to achieve independently. Chasing earnings growth regardless of properly measured returns on the capital at risk, or because it offers diversification, is not nearly a good enough reason to go offshore. Without such good reason and given the lack of growth opportunities in SA onshore, it would be better to return excess cash (excess capital) to their SA shareholders by paying dividends or buying back shares or debt. Let shareholders decide for themselves how they wish to diversify their risks.

*David Holland is from Fractal Value Advisors

 

From underperforming BRICS to the now less Fragile Five. Lessons for Brazil and SA

We can recall the days when the BRICS, Brazil, Russia, India, China and, a later inclusion, South Africa, were the darlings of the commentators. Their growth prospects were fueled by the super-cycle of commodity prices and improved equity markets – until the global financial crisis of 2008 intervened.

Commodity prices and emerging market (EM) equities recovered strongly after the crisis, but then in 2011 fell away continuously, until mid-2016. This took down the exchange value of EM currencies, including the rand, with them and forced inflation and interest rates higher, so adding further to the BRIC misery.

The economic and political reports out of Brazil in recent days are particularly discouraging. Its current constitutional crisis and likely upcoming elections will make it more difficult to enact the economic reforms that could permanently improve the economic prospects for the country. The trajectory of its social security expenditures and lack of revenue from payroll taxes will take the social security funding deficit, currently 2.4% of GDP, to 14% by 2022, according to the IMF. But these fiscal problems are compounded by a recession that shows little sign of ending.

The disappointments of the BRICS moreover forced attention on the “Fragile Five” of Turkey, Brazil, India, South Africa and Indonesia. These are economies with twin deficits – fiscal and current account of the balance of deficits, that makes them especially vulnerable to capital flight. Some investors have found consolation in this slow growth. Slow growth has seen these current account deficit decline markedly. In the case of South Africa the current account deficit – the sum of exports less exports, plus the net flow of dividends and interest payments abroad – has declined markedly from near 7% of GDP in 2013 to less than 2% in Q4, 2016, and is likely to have fallen further since.

These trends have made the SA economy and its fragile peers appear less dependent on inflows of foreign capital, thus making the spread between the yield on its bonds and safe-haven bonds attractive enough to attract inflows of capital and provide support for the local currencies. In mid-2016 the declining trend in EM exchange rates and commodity prices (not co-incidentally) was reversed, as was the outlook for inflation.

These reactions however neglect the more important vulnerability of the SA and the Brazilian economies to persistently slow growth. That is the danger slow growth presents for social stability. The capital account inflows no more cause the current account deficits, than the other way round. The force driving both sides of an equation is an equality is the state of the domestic economy and its savings propensities. In the case of SA, Brazil or Turkey, should the growth rate pick up, so will the current account deficit and the rate at which capital flows in. If the capital proves expensive or unavailable, the exchange rate will weaken, inflation will rise, the prospective growth will not materialise and the current account deficit will remain a small one.

Were Brazil or South Africa to adopt a mix of policies that reduces risks and improves prospective returns on capital, the long-term growth outlook will improve and their economies will grow faster. And they will have no difficulty in attracting the capital to fund the growth. Growth could lead and capital will follow in a world of abundant capital.

South Africa and Brazil have more in common than slow growth and fiscal challenges. They have similar degrees of political difficulty in adopting growth-enhancing reforms. The best they can now do, absent a credible growth agenda, would be to aggressively lower short term interest rates. This would improve the short term growth outlook and help attract capital and, if anything, help rather than harm the exchange rate. It remains for me a source of deep frustration that the SARB remains so reluctant to take the opportunity to improve growth rates, without any predictable impact on inflation. 26 May 2017