Hard Number Index: Slow and steady growth

Updating the state of the SA economy to February 2015 with our Hard Number Index (HNI). Economic activity continues to show slow and steady growth, with no obvious speed wobble.

The two very up to date hard numbers, unit vehicle sales in SA and the value of notes in circulation, have been released for February 2015. We deflate the money series with the CPI and seasonally adjust, smooth and extrapolate both series using a time series forecasting method. Both series continue to point higher, with unit vehicle sales continuing their recovery from the blip in early 2014.

It should be recognised that new unit vehicle deliveries to the SA buyer have maintained a robust pace, comparable with peak sales of 2006-07. Much improved exports of built up vehicles have also been helpful lately to the motor assemblers and their component suppliers, who account for the largest share of all manufacturing activity. The money base, adjusted for the CPI, had declined in 2008-09 but the demand for and supply of real cash has grown consistently since in line with economic growth generally.

When both series are converted into annual growth rates, it shows that the growth cycle remains in a recovery phase but that the current growth rates are predicted to slow down in 2015. Vehicle sales may be regarded as a very good proxy for capital expenditure undertaken by households and firms, while the demand for cash supplied by the Reserve Bank on demands for notes from the banks that are having to meet their customers’ demands for cash on hand rather than a deposit in the bank. These demands reveal spending intentions by households and may be regarded as a good coinciding indicator of spending decisions.

We combine these two hard numbers, vehicle sales and notes in circulation to establish our Hard Number Index of Economic Activity in SA (HNI). As we show below, the HNI for February 2015 has held its level and is forecast to continue to do so over the next 12 months. In other words, the growth in economic activity in SA is modestly positive but is not expected to gain or lose forward momentum. The HNI may be compared in this figure to the Coincident Business Cycle Indicator of the SA Reserve Bank that was still rising in November 2014, the latest month measured. We show in the further figure that the rate of change of the HNI, what may be regarded as the second derivative of the business cycle, that the rate of change of economic activity is predicted to remain barely in positive territory. That is to say, more of the same slow growth in economic activity in SA should be expected. The catalyst that would stimulate a stronger upswing in the business cycle remains very hard to identify.

The demand for and supply of cash in the economy has proved very helpful in predicting the state of economic activity in SA over many years. We include cash in our HNI for this reason and also because data on cash in circulation is so up to date and turns what may be coincident economic action, spending and cash determined simultaneously, into a leading indicator.

It may be of interest to recognise that despite all the innovations banks have made in the electronic transfers of deposits and encouraging the use of these convenient means of payment, the importance of the ratio of cash in the economy has not declined over the years. As we show below, the cash intensity of the economy (compared to estimated retail trade volumes) appears to have risen steadily between 1980 and 2000. It then stabilised at a higher level: it declined until 2010 and now appears to be rising again.

Part of the decline in demands for notes after 2003 was from the deposit taking banks themselves. The retail banks reduced their own demands for notes when the Reserve Bank stopped accepting notes in the bank tills and ATMs as part of required cash reserves. Only reserves held as deposits with the Reserve Bank qualified thereafter. But while this influence on the demand for cash seems to have worked its way through the system in the form of a decline in the cash to retail ratio, the ratio of cash to economic activity (represented here by officially measured retail volumes) seems inexplicably high. It does suggest that the statisticians may well be underestimating retail volumes and economic activity conducted informally. The informal economy has a much higher propensity to use cash rather than electronics to close deals. Hence the particular usefulness of cash as a leading indicator because it incorporates informal unrecorded economic activity that may well contribute significantly more to the economy than is officially recognised.

Monetary policy: The big bad wolf

Published in Business Day on 11 March 2015: http://www.bdlive.co.za/opinion/2015/03/11/monetary-policy-the-big-bad-wolf

PUBLIC enemy number one for central bankers in the developed world is deflation. When the consumer price index (CPI) declines we have deflation, when it rises we have the opposite, inflation. Prices in general fall when aggregate demand in the economy exercised by households, firms and governments fails to keep up with potential supply. Prices rise when demand exceeds supply.

The economic problem in the developed world, and in much of the less developed world including SA, is too little rather than too much demand and that has called for highly unconventional monetary policy.

Central bankers, with modern Japan very much in mind where prices have been falling and economic growth has been abysmally slow since the early 1990s, are convinced that deflation depresses spending and thus serves to prevent an economy from achieving its growth potential.

They are therefore doing all they can to stimulate more spending to arrest deflation or a possible decline in average prices. What they can do to encourage reluctant spenders is to create more money and reduce interest rates. Inflation, as they used to say, was too much money chasing too few goods. Deflation may be said to be caused by the opposite — too little money chasing too many goods. Inflation calls for less demand and so less money creation. Deflation calls urgently for the opposite — more money creation to increase aggregate demand and the supply of goods and services given widespread excess capacity, including the supply of labour.

While central bankers have the power to create as much extra cash as they judge appropriate, they have had to overcome a technical problem. The extra cash intended to encourage more spending may get stuck in the banking system and, when it does, there may be no additional demand for goods and services and the extra money created (at no cost) may not encourage spending or lending and provide no relief of the unwanted deflationary pressures. The banks may hold the extra cash as additional cash reserves or use the cash to pay off loans they may have incurred previously with the central bank.

The mechanics of money creation go simply as follows: The cash the central banks create (or more specifically the financial claims they create on themselves, called deposits with the central bank) when buying securities from willing sellers in the financial markets (typically pension funds or financial institutions of one kind or another) reflects immediately as extra privately owned deposits with private banks.

In the first instance, as the proceeds of a sale of securities by a private bank customer are banked, the private bank will have raised an additional deposit liability and will receive in return an asset in the form of an additional claim on the central bank. That is, the asset to match their additional deposit liabilities will take the form of an increase in their (cash) reserves at the central bank.

Normally the banks will make every effort to convert this extra cash into a loan that earns them more interest. Such loans would then lead to more spending. Normally banks keep minimal cash reserves in excess of the regulated requirement to hold cash reserves in fractional (say, 5%) proportion to their deposit liabilities.

But ever since the global financial crisis of 2008 this has not been the case at all. The central banks, led by the US Federal Reserve, have bought trillions of dollars worth of financial securities and the private banks have added trillions of dollars to their cash reserves.

The assets of the major central banks have expanded over the years. Their extra assets have consisted of securities issued by governments, for example, in the form of mortgage backed securities issued by the government backed mortgage lending agencies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in the US.

It should be noted that the European Central Bank’s (ECB’s) balance sheet has been shrinking in recent years, unlike those of the other central banks. This decline in ECB assets and liabilities (mostly cash reserves of the banks) has represented additional deflationary pressure on spending in Europe. The European banks have been repaying ECB loans previously made to them and the ECB has now responded by initiating a further programme of quantitative easing (QE), that is to say security purchases, intended to inject an extra €60bn a month into the banks of Europe over the next 21 months. That is to encourage bank lending and spending to counter deflation.

The important point to note is that creating money in the form of a deposit with the central bank by buying securities in the market costs society almost nothing. Creating money that is an asset of the banks, and so an addition to the wealth of the community, does not require any sacrifice of consumption or savings, as would any other form of wealth creation. It is literally money for jam. But in normal times too much money means too much spending and inflation. Hence the political resistance in normal times to creating more money — because it normally leads to unpopular inflation.

But the times have not been normal. The extra supply of money in the developed world has been accompanied by extra demands by the banks to hold money. So too little rather than too much spending has remained the economic problem. Hence the case for creating still more money, until deflation is finally conquered as the extra supply of cash is exchanged for goods and services.

The extra liabilities issued by the central bank matching the extra assets were mostly to private banks in the form of cash balances in excess of required cash reserves. In the US the banks have received 0.25% a year on these cash reserves.

It should be noted that the US banks have begun marginally to reduce their cash reserves with the Fed and that the assets of the Fed are rising more slowly with the end of quantitative easing in October 2014. Quantitative easing ended because the recovery of the US economy is well under way and presumably does not need further encouragement in the form of further increases in the supply of cash. The banks presumably have more than enough excess cash to meet the demands of borrowers. It could be argued that at least in the case of the US — the economy is recovering — the dangers of deflation have receded and the danger of inflation taking over is judged to be absent as a result of quantitative easing.

There is very little inflation priced into the yields offered on 30-year US Treasury bonds that offer yields below 3% and less than 2% more than inflation-protected US obligations with the same duration. Japan and Europe, it may be presumed, will be doing still more quantitative easing or as much as it takes to get the banks to lend out more of their cash.

The problem of deflation is complicated by very low or even negative interest rates. Cash has one advantage over other assets. The income return on cash can only fall to zero and no further. Other assets, for example, government securities or bank deposits, may come to offer less than zero income, that is only offer negative interest rates.

The German government, for example, can now borrow for up to five years, charging rather than paying interest to its creditors. In other words, it can borrow about €105 from you and promise to pay you €3 interest and only repay you €100 in a year’s time. In other words, the transaction will have cost you €2. But this, alas for widows and orphans and all those searching for a certain interest income, may be the best risk adjusted return on offer.

If prices decline by 2% over the year, your €100 will buy you as much as €102 did a year before, so adding to your real return. But you would have done still better holding cash as €100 in cash will still be worth no less than €100 after 12 months and will also buy you more if prices on average have declined.

Hence deflation forces down interest rates and encourages the demand for cash (and safe deposit boxes in which to store cash more safely than under the mattress, though they come with a fee).

Negative deposit rates therefore discourage the demand for bank deposits as an alternative to cash and more importantly for the goods and services that may be expected to become cheaper over time. Deflation also encourages banks and other lenders to hold cash reserves rather than lend them out. Loans may not be repaid in difficult times, especially when these enormous cash reserves earn the banks a positive rate of interest from the central bank.

Hence a further reason for central banks to fight deflation (and too little rather than too much spending) by flooding the system with additional cash to the point when the supply of cash can eventually, even with very low or negative interest rates, overwhelm the demand for cash. Just keep on pumping in the liquid stuff and the dam must overflow its banks. Once again the cost of doing so is zero.

Until Europe succeeds in overcoming deflation and stagnation we can expect interest rates in there to stay low and for the euro to stay weak. The US dollar, offering higher interest rates because its economic recovery is well under way thanks to three rounds of quantitative easing, can be expected to stay strong. We may also expect deflation and low interest rates in Europe to help hold down long-term rates in the US and elsewhere as European lenders seek higher yields abroad.

The weak euro and stronger dollar (and perhaps also stronger emerging-market currencies, including the rand) may also help restrain any increase in short- and long-term interest rates globally. It may take some time before the major central banks can say with any confidence: goodbye to deflation and welcome back the old enemy, inflation.

What can stop US dollar strength?

Only a narrower interest rate spread in favour of the dollar – which widened this morning.

The ECB initiated its bond buying (QE) programme yesterday. By this morning the German 10 year Bund yields had fallen back by about 7bp to 0.3101% p.a. The 10 year US Treasury Bond yields had also declined by about 4bp to 2.19% p.a. Hence the yield spread between these government bonds widened further and (not co-incidentally) the dollar strengthened against the euro and most other currencies, including the rand, weakened.

The extra yield from the Treasuries would appear irresistible and has clearly contributed to dollar strength, as it has been doing consistently since June 2014. The scatter plot relating daily levels of the euro and the 10 year spread tells the story since January 2014. The negative correlation between these two series on a daily basis is a negative (-0.81) over the period. Spread wider means dollar stronger (and vice versa) would seem a very good bet for now.

What then could cause the spread to narrow and take some of the gloss off the rampant dollar? A recovery in the euro economy would lead to higher yields there. More likely sooner are higher yields in the US, especially at the short end of the yield curve, as the Fed responds to the clear signs of a good economic recovery under way. But the strong dollar itself will add to deflationary pressures in the US as the dollar prices of metals and minerals and commodities recede further, adding to deflationary pressures in the US. Exporters to the US, receiving more local currency for their sales, may well be inclined to offer their goods at lower dollar prices. These deflationary trends may well give pause to the Fed. After all, if inflation and inflationary expectations remain highly subdued why should the FED wish to slow down the economy?

In this way, higher interest rates in Europe and a slower route to what might eventually become more normalised rates in the US, may well reduce the attractions of the US dollar. Until then, the attractions of a wide spread in favour of US dollar determined interest rates is very likely to support the dollar against the euro and perhaps also to add further dollar strength and other currency weakness. Living with a strong dollar rather than trying to compete with it with higher local interest rates, which will slow down other economies, would seem to be the way for monetary policy to go, including in SA.